My
tip for the day: be wary of tipping points.
Yes,
what happened in Damascus on Wednesday, when some of President Assad's most
senior security advisers were killed in circumstances that are still far from
clear, did mark a hugely significant moment in the 17-month-long anti-Assad
uprising.
But
was it a tipping point? Well, in the admirably succinct words of Chris Doyle of
the Council for Arab-British Understanding: "I think we are seeing the beginning
of the middle of the end of the middle … with the tipping point round the
corner."
On
the other hand, it is in the nature of a tipping point that you don't realise
you've got there until it's too late -- one minute you're upright, the next
minute you've tipped.
So
no, we don't know if the Assad regime has now reached such a point -- but don't
be too surprised if it suddenly tumbles, because if -- or when -- it does tip,
it'll tip quickly. After all, who expected Tripoli to fall as quickly as it did
last August?
I
imagine the name of Assef Shawkat did not ring any immediate bells with you
when you heard that he was one of those who died in Wednesday's attack. Yet in
Syria, he was widely known and usually regarded as one of the key men in
Assad's inner circle, a man whose name came up whenever nefarious deeds were
alleged.
(He
was named in 2005 by UN investigators as one of the main suspects in the
assassination of the former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri -- and was the
subject of EU and US sanctions as a key Assad loyalist once the uprising began
in February of last year.)
Intriguingly,
he was originally reported to have died in May after having been poisoned by
rebels -- two other men also said to have been poisoned later surfaced, but Shawkat
didn't. So maybe we're entitled to suspend judgement at least on some of what
is said to have happened on Wednesday.
For
example: the attack was reported to have been the work of a rebel suicide
bomber, yet few people living in the area said they heard the sound of an
explosion and there were no external signs of damage to the national security
building in which the men are said to have died.
It
may, or may not, also be relevant that Shawkat's relationship with the Assad
family was not always harmonious. He divorced his first wife to marry Bashar
al-Assad's older sister Bushra, a match that was said to have been bitterly
opposed both by Bashar's father, the late president Hafez al-Assad, and
Bashar's older brother Basil, who died in a car crash in 1994.
He
was also reported some years ago to have been shot and wounded by Bashar's
younger brother Maher, who according to some reports yesterday was among those
injured in Wednesday's attack.
Complicated?
Fraid so. Rumours and conspiracy theories are rife -- outside Damascus there
are reports of mass army defections, and in the capital, people are said to
have been stocking up on food and other essential supplies for the first time
since the uprising began. An estimated 20,000 people are reported to have fled
across the border into Lebanon in the 24 hours following Wednesday's attack.
According
to state television reports in the immediate aftermath of the attack, the
explosion targetted a meeting of Cabinet ministers and security officials. Now,
I may have an over-active imagination, but it set me thinking about the attempt
to assassinate Adolf Hitler in 1944 (the so-called "20 July plot"),
when a German army officer by the name of Claus von Stauffenberg took a bomb
concealed in a briefcase into a meeting with Hitler and other top Nazi
officials. (Four people were killed when he detonated the bomb, but Hitler
himself escaped serious injury. Stauffenberg and three co-conspirators were
executed hours later.)
Did
something similar happen in Damascus on Wednesday? Was the attack the work of
an insider trying to eliminate those closest to Assad? Perhaps even to kill
Assad himself? Or was it the work of the people closest to Assad, to eliminate
people they no longer regarded as trust-worthy? Were Shawkat and the other
victims suspected of plotting against Assad?
Lots
of questions, but no answers. And I shall say nothing about the latest
shenanigans at the UN, for the very good reason that they amounted to precisely
nothing. Russia and China did not, and will not, sign up to anything they
regard as a dastardly plot by Western and Gulf Arab governments (plus Turkey)
to overthrow an ally.
It
probably doesn't matter much, because all the signs are that events on the
ground have left the UN's diplo-inanities far behind, mired in a swamp of
irrelevance.
Instead,
I'll leave the last word to General Robert Mood, the Norwegian head of the United
Nations Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS), and thus the holder of what must
surely have been one of the least desirable jobs on earth.
As
he bowed out yesterday, he said: "My love for the people
of this country and my desire for them to regain peace are endless …
"There is
no lasting hope in the military solution. I, as a soldier, know more than many,
that the decision in favour of peace is harder than that of war. But I have
learned through many years of military practice that it is still better to make
that hard choice; to choose peace, even if you can win the war. For it is the
fabric of a society that will be deeply damaged by war, and greatly enhanced by
the prevalence of peace."
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