We live, 20 years after the murder
of an estimated 800,000 people, in the shadow of Rwanda. And this weekend, on
the anniversary of the start of the Rwanda genocide, is a good time to
contemplate the significance of that shadow.
A tiny country, in the middle of
Africa, less than one tenth the size of the UK: how come Rwanda forced the
rewriting of the rules of international behaviour?
One word sums it up: shame. Shame
that the peoples of the rich world stood by, saw what was happening, and did
nothing to stop the slaughter. And out of that shame grew a new doctrine,
solemnly endorsed by the United Nations. It became known as the responsibility
to protect (R2P in diplo-speak), and it was drawn up, in the words of the International
Coalition for the Responsibility to Protect, "to address the international
community’s failure to prevent and stop genocides, war crimes, ethnic cleansing
and crimes against humanity".
Quite right, too. In Kosovo, and
then in Sierra Leone, international military action did stop the brutal
slaughter of civilians. Tony Blair
made a speech in Chicago in April 1999 in which he unveiled what he called his
"doctrine of international community".
In it, he said: "We are all
internationalists now, whether we like it or not. We cannot refuse to
participate in global markets if we want to prosper. We cannot ignore new
political ideas in other counties if we want to innovate. We cannot turn our
backs on conflicts and the violation of human rights within other countries if
we want still to be secure."
But then came the US-led
invasions of Afghanistan following the 9/11 attacks in 2001, and of Iraq in
2003. Neither, despite what might have been claimed at the time, was in any
sense a humanitarian intervention; and both turned into grim, messy military
occupations. It didn't take long for voters to lose faith in the notion that
military interventions in far-away places might help to make the world a better
place.
Nowhere does Rwanda cast a longer
shadow than in Syria. War crimes and crimes against humanity aplenty, an
estimated 150,000 people killed, yet no protection on offer from foreign
powers. Why? Because of Afghanistan and Iraq. Because memories of losses there,
both military and civilian, are far fresher than memories of the horrors of
Rwanda.
This is not an argument for
sending in foreign troops to Syria. To do so, in my judgement, would make an
appalling conflict even worse. But surely we need to ask ourselves this
weekend, as we are reminded of how we failed the people of Rwanda 20 years ago,
if we are failing the people of Syria today.
And while I'm on the subject of
failing to live up to our solemnly-proclaimed "responsibility to
protect", how about the people of the Central African Republic, far closer
to Rwanda than Syria is? It's estimated that up to a million people there have
had to flee from their homes -- most of them Muslims, terrified of Christian
militias who have embarked on a sectarian cleansing campaign of brutal
ferocity.
At a summit meeting of EU and
African leaders in Brussels this week, the UN secretary-general Ban Ki-Moon
warned that the violence in the Central African Republic could soon turn into
genocide. That word again. The shadow of Rwanda again.
There are already some 8,000
African and French troops in the country, but I have yet to detect any sense of
urgency -- responsibility, if you prefer -- to protect the hundreds of
thousands of people who have fled in fear of their lives.
Yes, I know. We can't save
everyone. We're broke, and military expeditions are hugely expensive. But
that's not really it, is it? We've lost the will, as well as the means.
But here's the thing about
shadows. You can turn your back on them, but even if you ignore them, they're
still there. You can't get rid of them. That's why I say we are still living in
the shadow of Rwanda.
1 comment:
Unfortunately, it is the very intervention by the west in Syria plus the other so called 'Arab Spring' states that has contributed to the current bloodshed, especially in Syria.
Both Syria and Iraq were secular states, where it was reasonably possible for most people to lead safe lives. I think we in the west are every bit as guilty as the governments / oppositions for what has since happened.
And heaven help us, at the moment we look to be doing the same in Ukraine.
I don't for a moment say the regimes that are, or were, in power are benign or democratic like we have in the west, but it has to be for the people in those countries to sort out their problems.
We cannot simply be the world policeman. And we don't fully understand the local politics and tensions.
I think we should restrict ourselves to stating clearly that those who are deemed to be responsible for abuses will be sought out and brought before an international tribunal but that must apply to both sides.
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