It looks as if 2015 could turn out
to be Europe's Year of the Insurgents. It's going to be a rough ride, and the
rise of the insurgents is only one of three major challenges that the continent
now faces.
In Greece's elections this
Sunday, the left-wing, anti-austerity Syriza party look likely to win. Then in
May, UKIP may win enough seats in the House of Commons to play what could be an
important role in any post-election cross-party negotiations. And in December,
Spanish voters will go to the polls, with the left-wing Podemos group currently
tipped to win.
Left-wing? Right-wing? How very
last century the terms now sound, with the leader of the National Front in
France, Marine Le Pen, openly backing Syriza in Greece. What unites the
insurgents is not a coherent ideology but a visceral anger at traditional
political elites and the post-2008 political consensus.
Some of the insurgents appeal to
voters who have had enough of tolerating ethnic and religious minorities, of
open borders, and of supra-national identities. Others aim their anger
principally at corrupt political leaders, bonus-benefitting bankers, and a
remote EU bureaucracy.
And if Syriza win in Greece on
Sunday, they may well provide a huge shot in the arm for other insurgent
parties elsewhere. (I somehow doubt, by the way, that Thursday's announcement
of a massive quantitative easing programme by the European Central Bank will
have much of an effect on Greek voters.)
It doesn't even matter what
exactly the insurgents stand for -- UKIP, for example, seem to be having
terrible trouble putting together a manifesto and have just sacked the man who
was meant to be writing one. It's enough for them simply to say to voters:
"Look at us. We're not like the rest of them. We're like you."
Now imagine what the political
landscape might look like if there's another atrocity similar to the Charlie
Hebdo and Jewish supermarket attacks in Paris. What might that do to the
strength of ultra-nationalist, anti-immigrant sentiment?
So that's the second major
challenge facing Europe: how to react if there are more mass murders on the
streets of the continent's major cities. There is, in fact, a precedent: in the
1970s and 80s, the UK, Italy, Spain and Germany faced attacks by the IRA, Red
Brigades, ETA, and Baader Meinhof gang respectively, without succumbing to outright
totalitarianism. Perhaps that provides us with just a crumb of comfort.
On the other hand, political and
intelligence chiefs are now insisting that they need more snooping powers to
confront current threats, when we know that the Paris gunmen, just like the
killers of Lee Rigby in south London in 2013, were already known to them. What
they really need, surely, are more analysts and better systems to enable them
to make better-informed judgements about which of their targets are the
greatest threat.
That leaves Europe's third
challenge: how to deal with Vladimir Putin. His land-grab in Ukraine is a clear
attempt to test Europe's mettle at a time when he believes that the continent
has neither the will nor the resources to push back. So far, he has been proved
right, although the collapse in the price of oil, which is doing immense damage
to the Russian economy, may soon prove to be a greater brake on his ambitions
than anything Europe or NATO can do.
More than at any time since the
end of the Cold War, Europe needs clear, determined leaders who can calm
voters' anger and offer reassurance that better times are coming, especially
for those who have been hardest hit by the age of austerity. Anger, fear and
intolerance of minorities are a highly dangerous mix -- we have seen before
where they can lead when populist politicians fan the flames. The coming year
will be a test that Europe must not fail.
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