Michael Grade ought to know a
thing or two about broadcasting -- after all, he has been chairman of both the
BBC and ITV in his time, as well as chief executive of Channel 4.
So when he asked the other day:
"Who do the broadcasters think they are?", he himself was forced to
admit that he really should know the answer. It seems, however, that when it
comes to the unedifying ding-dong over whether or not the prime minister will
condescend to participate in one or more TV pre-election debates, m'Lord Grade
has definitively signed up for the Cameroons.
He should have done exactly the
opposite. But I guess if you accept the party whip in the House of Lords, you
have to -- occasionally -- sing for your supper. Even so, it's always sad when
a life-long media professional crosses over to the dark side.
Lenin got it right when he
suggested that in any discussion relating to political power, there's only one
essential question that needs to be asked. "Who, whom?" Or, as Stalin
reformulated it: "Will we knock the capitalists flat, or will they knock
us flat?"
So who decides what we shall
watch on our television screens, and how one of the most important election
campaigns of recent times is to be reported? Do we live in a country where the
government decrees what shall be shown, and by whom, or do we retain the right
to insist that public service broadcasters offer, er, a public service?
How can they possibly be accused,
in the words of Lord Grade, of "grossly inflated and misguided ideas of
their own importance" if they dare to suggest that the PM does not
actually have a veto over how they go about their business?
Indeed, I could turn the question
on its head. When a public service broadcaster (in this case, the BBC) suspends
a high-profile star (in this case, Jeremy Clarkson) after what is politely
termed a "fracas" with a colleague, who does the PM think he is by
sticking his oar into the internal disciplinary process by publicly expressing
the hope that Clarkson's show will soon be back on air because otherwise his
children will be heartbroken.
Where will this end? With a
Downing Street campaign to bring back Bruce Forsyth because Mrs Cameron misses
his execrable jokes? I readily
accept that the prime minister has many onerous responsibilities, but deciding
who appears on the tellybox for the amusement of his family is not among them.
It is, of course, entirely up to
him whether he wishes to take part in any televised election debates, and if he
does, he's fully entitled to express a view as to what format he would prefer.
Equally, it is entirely a matter for the boadcasters if they decide to say:
"Er, no thanks, we'll go ahead without you."
Yes, they have a duty to be
impartial. But any competent debate chairperson (no, I'm not volunteering) is
perfectly able to put across a missing viewpoint if that's what is required.
Not for nothing are some of the words most often spoken by broadcast
interviewers: "But your critics would argue …"
Does it matter? I think it does,
for all sorts of reasons. First, according to a ComRes poll for ITV News,
nearly three-quarters of the electorate want the debates to go ahead, even if
the prime minister refuses to take part. More than 60 per cent say that if he
doesn't turn up, there should be an empty chair to symbolise his no-show. And
second, I would have thought that in any self-respecting modern democracy,
political leaders would regard it as an essential duty to engage in public
debate and enable voters to assess for themselves the relative merits of the
candidates on offer.
Mr Cameron says he's happy for
there to be a television debate, so long as it's on his terms. He is, I fear,
to use the technical term, lying.
You know, I know, and every dog in the street knows, that he thinks a
debate, or debates, will do him no good at all. It's what all prime ministers
have always thought -- all of them, that is, except Gordon Brown, who was
advised five years ago that he might as well say Yes to the debates because
they were unlikely to make things worse for him than they already were.
And while we're on the subject of
lies, let's lay one common error to rest. Politicians and officials who tell
untruths are no new invention, nor is journalistic scepticism about their
devotion to the unvarnished truth a uniquely modern phenomenon. Almost as
useful as Lenin's question "who, whom?" is the much-quoted, but
erroneously attributed, "Why is this lying bastard lying to me?"
It was not, contrary to popular
belief, first expressed by Jeremy Paxman, but many decades earlier, in the
1940s, when the then industrial correspondent of the Communist party newspaper
the Daily Worker gave some advice to a young reporter on The Times. The
reporter, Louis Heren, who rose to become the paper's deputy editor, related in
his memoir "Growing Up on The Times": "One day, when I asked him
for some advice before interviewing the permanent secretary [at the Ministry of
Labour], he said: 'Always ask yourself why these lying bastards are lying to
you.'"
Heren added, and this was in a
book published in 1978: "I still ask myself that question today." So
do I.
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