For God’s sake, how much longer will it take? For
three long, grim, post-referendum years, the Labour party have been trying to
pretend that standing in the middle of the road is a sensible approach to traffic
safety.
But not any more. Because hurtling towards them
are the two wannabe Jeremy Clarksons of contemporary politics: Nigel Farage in
a turbo-charged SUV, like Toad of Toad Hall after a long night in the pub, and
Boris Johnson in a souped-up old Jag, detritus strewn across the back seats,
hunched over the steering wheel muttering: ‘Brakes? Who needs brakes when all
you need is to trust Boris?’
So it’s time to get out of the way. And that must mean
heading to the side of the road marked Remain. Nothing else makes sense, and it
looks as if the majority of the shadow cabinet – finally – have realised it.
Let no one accuse them of acting in haste.
By the end of next month, the UK will have a new
prime minister. If it’s Boris Johnson, his bumbling incompetence is likely to
leave the country toppling over a no-deal Brexit cliff-edge. With the Labour
party – well, doing what exactly? Still mumbling about being committed to the
result of the 2016 referendum, despite everything that has happened since?
I assume that members of the shadow cabinet read The
Guardian. So they will have seen this article by the founder of the YouGov
polling organisation, Peter Kellner, in which he points out that barely
half of the voters who voted Labour in the 2017 general election would do so
now. More than a third would vote instead for one of the pro-Remain parties.
Fine, you may say. But what about those crucial
Labour seats in the Midlands and north of England where the majority of voters
voted Leave in the referendum? Well, guess what: three years is a long time in
politics and things have moved on. According to Kellner, the national Brexit
mood, judging by an average of recent polls, has shifted from 52-48% pro-Leave
in 2016 to 56-44% pro-Remain now.
The shift, he says, has been driven by two main
factors. ‘The first is demographic (older, mainly leave, voters dying while
overwhelmingly pro-remain teenagers are reaching voting age). The second is
Labour voters changing their minds – especially in the northern and midlands
heartlands (my italics). One particular group that has swung decisively to
remain are Britain’s nurses. Many of them were persuaded by the promise of an
extra £350 million a week for the NHS, and they now feel they were deceived.’
So the message couldn’t be clearer. With the
country still as deeply divided as it was at the time of the referendum, if not
more so, the appointment of one of the architects of the pro-Leave campaign to
head the UK government will force Labour to abandon its policy of trying to
appeal to voters on both sides of the divide.
Jeremy Corbyn’s insistence that he wants to unite
a divided country is all well and good, apart from the fact that you can’t
straddle a divide that goes far deeper than the niceties of trading
arrangements with our neighbours or the precise monitoring mechanisms along the
Irish border.
This debate is now about the soul of Britain.
Perhaps it always was, but we failed to see it in time. It is between those who
want to live in a country that welcomes diversity and embraces tolerance, or
one that has turned inwards on itself, retreating towards bigotry and extreme
nationalism. Can there be any doubt which side the Labour party should be on?
Labour’s deputy leader Tom Watson put it as well
as anyone: ‘European is who we are and who we have always been. Our members are
remain. Our values are remain. Our hearts are remain. We need our Labour party
to be true to who we are and be loud and proud in support of Europe.’
If Jeremy Corbyn and those around him can’t
endorse every word of that, then Labour is done for. The millions of voters who
turned their backs on the party in last month’s European parliament elections
will not return to the fold without an unambiguous change of tone from the leader’s
office.
Soon, the Lib Dems will have a new leader:
probably Jo Swinson, young, female, and plugged in to the 2019 zeitgeist in
a way that so far Mr Corbyn has signally failed to manage. And in Germany, the
Green party has now overtaken both the Christian Democrats and the Social
Democrats to become the country’s most popular party.
Of course, it could never happen here. Just as
Nigel Farage could never win a second European election, or Boris Johnson
become prime minister. Mr Corbyn has never been much good at adapting to new
political realities, but the time for prevarication has run out.
Waiting for the autumn party conference is not an
option. The 31 October Brexit deadline looms, as does an emergency general
election.
The party – and the country -- will need a crystal
clear message from the shadow cabinet. They meet next Tuesday.
No comments:
Post a Comment